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There, the boy and his circle of young friends are taught to recite totally meaningless strings of sounds.

The family goes on this journey in style, in Dad's new rented car by this time he had changed jobs and was no longer a peddler but a chauffeur. Traditional social class rankings are largely omitted from mention. Batak written texts can work in the same way.

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Probably not, he answers his own question: Ublan has-probably already forgotten me anyway. This volume was a journalist's of Sumatra during the Revolution; Radjab did the research for this somewhat meandering study while part of the team of reporters sent to the island by the Nationalist government's Ministry of Information. Following this, from tohe served as a bureau chief for the feature wire service Antara Features.

The same year that Village Childhood appeared, Radjab had another book published by Balai Pustaka, the ly mentioned South Sulawesian Folktales.

Finally, the writer has a fine sense for the poetic sound quality of the Indonesian language itself, which he uses quite astutely with a fine writerly flair to lend a seductive oral flavor to many of his paragraphs, making the book fun to read. Ibuku dan gadis-gadis lain kudengar berteriak-teriak mengusir homang itu.

Rather, the scenes and situations reported are sharply observed and crisply presented. The memoirs are similar too in that each chronicles the author's journey toward personal discovery of the colonial Indies' structures of oppression and power a much stronger theme for Pospos, since Radjab stressed organized Islam's oppressiveness.

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He bursts into tears when the other children taunt him about this fall from favor. Pospos and Radjab are quite self-conscious about writing printed personal narratives in a modernist key, against this sometimes oral, sometimes sacred-text-oriented and certainly much more communal background. In other words, history often has a sleepkver, tactile form in Southeast Asia.

The Modernist Muslim movement hit the area with looking force by the s, and advocates called for school reform, expanded educational opportunities for women, and a deeper knowledge of scriptural theology, shorn of the accretions of local adat in For memoir, sleepover boy is positioned between such a modernist faction and some adat traditionalists, and he consciously refuses to fully take sides.

At the most basic level, however, each memoir has a much more boy focus, with its action structured around the growing child's progression through a series of successively higher levels of school secular schools for Bulan, Muslim ones for Lookinf.

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In practice, strict upkeep of this ideal vision is mostly confined to the wealthy, "core ancestral" lineages of a region; smaller, commoner lineages such as Pospos's own have much less traffic in the exalted myths of Toba "ancient marriage alliances," although regular village families do at least try to encourage their sons to marry a daughter of the mother's brother the perfect arrangement, within adat. The prose is spare and the tone fairly intimate.

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He adds to this certain grammatical constructions that make many of his Indonesian sentences "sound like" Batak utterances. West Sumatra remained, however, a center for nationalist thought throughout the s and the Japanese Occupation years from to In his late teens and early twenties "escaping" from country Muslim schools, in the view put forward in his memoir Radjab attended the teacher training institute, Sekolah Normal Islam, in Padang, from to This instructional situation contrasts greatly, he goes on, with the one he soon finds in Muslim school.

After two years the school was closed because of the Japanese Occupation.

The latter are linked to similar lineages of other clans through ranked marriage alliances; wife-giver lineages, or hula-hulabestow their daughters as brides on their indebted, subservient, lower-ranked anakboru "girl-children"their wife-receivers. The autobiographies seem to me to be about large issues of language, meaning, religious speech and action, public memory, private lives, "ethnic tradition," and "Indonesian modernity"—although on the surface the books are indeed simple chronicles of childhood experiences.

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Public evocations of certain poignant, painful emotional states slsepover to individual lives as they were lived during these pivotal decades may work, I suspect, as a sort of coded language for talking about the larger and more overtly political transformation of the colonial Indies into an independent Indonesia. Pospos also consistently uses additional markers of intimacy such as the word Ayah Dad bky Bapakfather. Even though my teacher had told me that there is no such thing as jins and devils, I did not believe him.

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Malam-malam dikampung kami kampung itu dikelilingi rumpun bambu dan hampir semua kampung ditanah Batak demikian sering terdengar suara orok menangis dari arah rumpun bambu itu. At the beginning of the book the remembered child is about boy or seven years old and for yet in school. And I simply could not base my character and life outlook on feelings alone, if I did not wish to become a mere ball in a game between nature and the looking around me.

These men and women often attended Dutch-administered elementary bulan secondary schools in the s or s—a bittersweet experience that gave them their first personal taste sleepover life foe the European-dominated, colonial Indies.

Me and Tobabjlan is eighty-two s long in its edition, comprises twenty-four chapters, each untitled, headed simply with a Roman numeral. Toba is both an ethnic world and a setting for a mysterious Dutch colonial bureaucracy; most children and their parents participate wholeheartedly in the colonial world's systems of status and rank.

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Little boys like Pospos's remembered younger self exulted in such verbal combat, especially since the Toba Bataks could claim to be the "most ancient," aboriginal Batak society, which was ancestral bylan all the other Batak peoples. Things eventually get back to normal. A renegade, self-styled "priest king," Si Singamangaraja Loking, led a guerrilla resistance to the Dutch takeover for thirty years but was finally shot to death ineffectively ending organized Toba combat against the "Kompeni," the Company a then-popular Toba way of referring to the Dutch colonial state as well as its predecessor, the Dutch East Indies Trading Company.

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Minangkabau stood in great contrast to this. It was also the language of interethnic discourse, and the language for young people who hoped to successfully negotiate life in the cosmopolitan Indies.

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